Burkina Faso’s Firebrand Captain Ibrahim Traoré and the Struggle for Sovereignty

A formal portrait of Captain Ibrahim Traoré, wearing his signature red beret and military fatigues with camouflage sleeves. He is seated at a desk with clasped hands, appearing in his role as Burkina Faso's transitional leader. Behind him are flags including the green flag of the Sahel confederation and Burkina Faso's national flag.

Captain Ibrahim Traoré: Leader of Burkina Faso’s Transitional Government

Early life and education: Ibrahim Traoré was born in 1988 in Bondokuy, a town in western Burkina Faso. He grew up in the countryside, attending primary school in his hometown and later secondary school in Bobo-Dioulasso (the country’s second city). In 2006 he enrolled at the University of Ouagadougou, from which he graduated in 2009 with honors. At university he studied science subjects, then decided to pursue a career in the military. His solid academic record suggested an intelligent and diligent student, someone well-educated by Burkinabé standards.

Military career: Shortly after graduating, Traoré enlisted in the Burkina Faso Army in 2009. His superiors quickly noticed his talent and work ethic. He was sent to Morocco for anti-aircraft training and consistently performed well. By 2014 he had risen to the rank of lieutenant. In 2018 he was selected to serve with the United Nations peacekeeping forces in northern Mali. There he fought on the front lines against Islamist militants and ethnic rebels; his commanders later commended him for courage and leadership under fire. In 2019, as the jihadist insurgency intensified in northern Burkina Faso, Traoré was posted to the area. He proved competent in the field and was promoted to captain. Over this period, he developed a reputation among colleagues as a dedicated anti-insurgent officer, someone who knew his troops and understood the security crisis first-hand. (He even earned the nickname “IB” from peers, and some reports mention he studied further at Burkina Faso’s military academy.)

Rise to power: Traoré’s rise coincided with a national crisis. By late 2021 and early 2022 Burkina Faso was overwhelmed by escalating attacks from Islamist militant groups. Under President Roch Marc Christian Kaboré’s civilian government, the military and many citizens felt the state was failing. In January 2022 a faction of army officers, led by Lt. Col. Paul-Henri Damiba, overthrew Kaboré citing exactly these security failures. Damiba promised to turn the situation around, but by mid 2022 little had improved. Many soldiers in remote posts complained of late pay and shortages of supplies. The situation reached a breaking point in September 2022, when insurgents killed 11 Burkinabé soldiers in a northern village. This attack enraged many in the army, especially younger officers like Traoré.

Responding to this anger, Captain Traoré and a group of fellow soldiers took action. On the morning of 30 September 2022, Traoré rode through Ouagadougou in an armored convoy amid cheering crowds. In footage from the coup, the 34 year old Traoré appeared wearing his military fatigues and a bright red beret, smiling and giving a thumbs-up to supporters (some waving Russian flags). Later that day he announced on national TV that Damiba was dismissed and sent into exile, effectively making Traoré the head of state. This was Burkina Faso’s second coup of 2022, driven by frustration that Damiba had not stemmed the jihadist violence.

Within weeks, Burkinabé institutions moved to formalise his position. A transitional assembly of roughly 300 delegates including military officials, civil society representatives, and even some elected leaders convened to design a new charter. On 21 October 2022 Traoré was officially sworn in as transitional president and head of the armed forces. He is often noted as the world’s youngest head of state at the time of his accession. In announcing this change, Traoré stressed that he did not seek power for its own sake. As he told reporters, “We did not come to continue, we did not come for a particular purpose…All that matters when the level of security returns is the fight, it’s development”. In other words, he repeatedly said he intended to hold office only as long as necessary to secure the country, then hand over power to civilian rule. This pledge helped calm some fears: he even welcomed regional mediators, agreeing to honor a previously negotiated timeline that envisioned a return to elections within two years.

Leadership style and policies

Popular image: Traoré quickly built a reputation as a charismatic, hands-on leader. He often appears wearing his uniform and red beret, and his public style mixes modern and revolutionary imagery. For example, at rallies he has been photographed pumping his fist and addressing crowds with populist zeal. Supporters compare him to the late Thomas Sankara, Burkina’s iconic 1980s revolutionary. A BBC profile described Traoré as a charismatic 37-year-old who projects a pan-African, anti-imperialist persona. In speeches he invokes national pride and self-reliance. At a recent Africa-Russia summit he urged other leaders to “stop behaving like puppets who dance every time the imperialists pull the strings”, a line that resonated widely on social media. Analysts note his social-media presence is very active. He shares images of himself meeting citizens, visiting troops, and even has had afrobeat music videos set to his speeches, all of which burnish an image of a revolutionary leader. Indeed, one African analyst observed that Traoré’s bold messaging and reforms have made him “arguably Africa’s most popular, if not favourite, president” in some circles. (Even some African-American public figures briefly expressed admiration, reflecting how his anti-colonial rhetoric strikes a chord.)

Domestic policy and security first: From day one, Traoré made fighting the insurgency his top priority, reflecting the urgent public demand for security. He has pledged repeatedly that once stability returns he will step aside for elected civilian leaders. To tackle the jihadists, he has empowered both the military and civilians. He expanded and formalised the country’s “Volunteers for the Defense of the Homeland” (VDP) community self-defense groups encouraging tens of thousands of Burkinabé to arm themselves. He insisted these volunteers are patriotic defenders, not thugs, complaining that international media unfairly calls them “militias” instead of recognizing their sacrifice. By late 2022 he claimed nearly 100,000 volunteers had joined forces with the army.

At the same time, Traoré promised to fix internal issues in the armed forces. He moved to ensure timely pay and better conditions for soldiers in remote areas, a point of contention under Damiba’s rule. In public statements, Traoré speaks bluntly about terror groups (“I will beat them all”, a phrase he has used), reflecting the anger of citizens. But at the same time he has repeatedly called for unity. For example, he convened “national consultations” in 2024 that included civilians, traditional leaders, and military officers. According to those organisers, most major political factions boycotted, but the meetings still produced a new interim charter. Traoré pointed to this as a sign that he was seeking broad input: the new charter was presented as reflecting the voice of ordinary people and security forces alike.

Domestic policy and economic nationalism: On the economic front, Traoré has pursued nationalist and pro-people measures. Burkina Faso is rich in gold and other minerals, and he wants the country to keep more of that wealth. Under his watch, the government created a state-owned mining company and decreed that foreign mining firms must give a 15% stake to Burkina Faso and transfer know-how to local workers. These measures apply even to existing projects: one major Russian-run gold company and other foreign firms have faced new rules or renationalization. Traoré speaks of a “revolution” in mineral policy: the government is building Burkina’s first gold refinery and national reserves, so that the country can process its own gold rather than sell raw ore. In a continent where many leaders still welcome outside investment without strings, Burkinabé supporters see his approach as bold and patriotic.

The effects are still unfolding: some Western mining firms have protested (even suing the government), but many Burkinabé cheer that Traoré is finally taking back resources. He has also talked about food security and basic services. For instance, he praised Russia’s grain aid initiative and used it to highlight Africa’s need for self-sufficiency.

Governance and transition: Traoré was initially committed to returning the country to civilian rule. He publicly agreed to honor the transition plan set by Damiba and the regional bloc ECOWAS (which envisioned elections by 2024). Early on he promised a national conference would name an interim president by year’s end, who would oversee an honest transition. In October 2022, delegates did adopt a transitional charter making Traoré interim president, and he reaffirmed the agreed timeline.

However, by 2024 he judged that security and the foundations for democracy were not yet solid. After public “national consultations” in May 2024 (again with military officers, civil society figures and some local leaders involved), he signed a revised charter extending the transition by five years. The official line is that this reflects a consensus that the country needs time to rebuild. The charter still formally allows elections to be held earlier if conditions permit, and Traoré has not closed the door on voting but he has made clear that, as of late 2024, security remains the foremost goal. In announcing this extension, Traoré emphasized that it came from a dialogue with people in the trenches messaging that he and his supporters say shows responsiveness to public sentiment. (Critics note low turnout, but many ordinary Burkinabé tell pollsters they accept waiting if it means a safer country.)

Historical and regional context

Burkina Faso’s coup-prone history: Traoré’s takeover must be seen against Burkina Faso’s long history of instability. Since independence, the country has endured frequent coups. Notably, in 1987 Captain Blaise Compaoré, a long-time ally of revolutionary leader Thomas Sankara, killed Sankara and seized power. Compaoré then ruled for 27 years until he was overthrown by mass protests in 2014 when he tried to extend his term. This ushered in a fragile democracy: Roch Kaboré was elected in 2015 and re-elected in 2020. However, when jihadist violence spread from Mali in the 2010s, Kaboré’s government struggled to respond. In January 2022 frustrated soldiers ousted Kaboré (Damiba’s coup). By September 2022, after Damiba likewise failed to halt the insurgency, Traoré became the third head of state in Burkina since 2014. In short, many Burkinabé view coups as a (flawed) way to respond quickly when elected leaders can’t cope. In regional context, this is part of a wave: neighboring Mali and Niger have had coups in 2020–2023 too, all justified by officers as necessary to fix broken governments.

Terrorism and security threats: Burkina Faso sits at the heart of the Sahel, where jihadist groups linked to al-Qaeda and Islamic State have wreaked havoc. Tens of thousands of civilians have been killed or kidnapped, and over 2 million people displaced. At times, half the country’s territory has been outside government control. Farming and markets have collapsed in some areas. This has generated enormous pressure on any leader to act. Traoré inherited a dire humanitarian situation: families fleeing villages, hunger, and regular killings of soldiers and civilians alike. Much of public support for him springs from the hope that as a younger, frontline officer he can do better.

Relations with France and Western powers: Like the earlier coups in Mali and Niger, Traoré’s regime has sharply shifted away from Burkina’s former ties to France. Within months of taking office, he ended a 2018 military agreement with France, demanded all French troops leave within weeks, and even saw the French ambassador expelled. In February 2023 a ceremony formally marked the withdrawal of French forces. Traoré’s government argues that after decades of help, French forces had not been effective on the battlefield and Burkina must defend itself on its own terms.

At the same time, Traoré has cultivated ties with new partners. He has openly courted Russia, inviting a Russian paramilitary team (from the Wagner Group) to help train Burkinabé soldiers, and regularly meeting Russian officials. In late 2023 and 2024, Burkina (together with Mali and Niger) began holding joint summits with Russia. These moves including creating a “Confederation of Sahel States” with Mali and Niger signal a realignment. By 2025 Burkina, Mali and Niger formally withdrew from their old regional bloc ECOWAS and formed their own alliance. Supporters of Traoré see this as asserting Burkina’s sovereignty and breaking free of “colonial” dependency. Western governments and some aid agencies have expressed concern (and imposed temporary sanctions), but many Burkinabé chafe at foreign criticism, recalling that France’s colonial rule and even recent policies often went against African interests.

Geopolitical positioning: In the bigger picture, Burkina Faso under Traoré is staking a position at the crossroads of major trends in West Africa. The country is one of the fastest-growing gold producers in Africa, giving it leverage in resource diplomacy. Traoré uses this resource wealth as leverage insisting on better deals for his people. On the diplomatic front, he aligns with other military-led Sahel governments. In early 2025 he and the Sahel ministers jointly visited Moscow for official talks, framing it as strengthening “strategic ties” with Russia while moving away from France and ECOWAS. They have begun planning a 5,000-strong joint counter-terrorism force. The idea is that only a unified regional approach (independent of Western influence) can finally wrest back territory from jihadists.

Traoré’s image among the Burkinabé

To many Burkinabé, Captain Traoré embodies a new type of leadership: young, dynamic, and fiercely nationalistic. His rise was widely seen as responding directly to the popular anger over security failures, and he has cultivated an image of a listening, revolutionary leader. When asked, ordinary citizens often cite one of his slogans: that the government must focus on security above all else. As he told local media, “elections are not a priority, security is the priority” in a country under siege. He also points out that he publicly said from Day 1 he only intended “to spend the minimum time possible” in power to defeat jihadists, implying he doesn’t plan personal rule.

Many Burkinabé activists and commentators praise Traoré’s frankness and anti-corruption stance (he has spoken of prosecuting corrupt officials from past regimes). By early 2025, opinion polls (where available) suggested he enjoys relatively high approval, especially in rural areas that see he is stepping up military efforts. In interviews, supporters emphasize that after years of government neglect, his approach though uncompromising is principled and in line with the people’s will. For example, his partial rewrite of the old constitution was framed as giving a say to more voices rather than an elite. He argued the previous 1991 constitution reflected only “the view of a handful of enlightened people” and not the popular masses, and said he wanted to fix that.

In Summary

Captain Ibrahim Traoré emerged as Burkina Faso’s leader in 2022 against a backdrop of crisis. His biography from village upbringing through university education to frontline military service gives context to his image as a capable young officer-turned-president. He seized power by channeling widespread demands for security, and since then has governed with a mix of populist rhetoric and hardline measures. On the one hand, Traoré embraces nationalist and pan-African rhetoric (expelling France’s forces, allying with Russia, nationalizing resources). On the other hand, he presents himself as responsive to what the people and soldiers have been demanding: a secure nation and fair economy. Observers note that his bold reforms from empowering civilian defenders to creating a state mining company have won him genuine grassroots support.

It is still early to judge the long-term outcome. The insurgency continues to pose a grave challenge, and critics worry about democracy. But among his supporters, Traoré is seen as a principled patriot. He regularly reminds people that he came to power only to fix urgent problems and suggested he will step down once stability is achieved. In that view, Captain Traoré is carving out a role as a transitional leader determined by and accountable to public sentiment, one who speaks openly of listening to “the masses” and fighting for Burkinabé interests first.

Sources:

Africanews (2022) 1960–2022: The long history of coups d'état in Burkina Faso. Available at: https://www.africanews.com/2022/01/25/1960-2022-the-long-history-of-coups-d-etat-in-burkina-faso/

AP News (2022) Burkina Faso names coup leader Traoré as transitional president. Available at: https://apnews.com/article/burkina-faso-military-junta-transition-election-coup

AP News (2024) Burkina Faso junta extends its transition term by 5 years. Available at: https://apnews.com/article/burkina-faso-transition-extension-2024

BBC (2023) Capt Ibrahim Traoré: Why Burkina Faso's junta leader has captured hearts and minds around the world. Available at: https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c1egely9v3go

BlackPast (2022) Ibrahim Traoré (1988–). Available at: https://www.blackpast.org/global-african-history/ibrahim-traore-1988/

Global Voices (2023) Africa reimagined: Burkina Faso’s Ibrahim Traoré advocates for resilience, recognition, and resistance. Available at: https://globalvoices.org/2023/08/07/africa-reimagined-burkina-fasos-ibrahim-traore-advocates-for-resilience-recognition-and-resistance

Reuters (2022a) Who is Ibrahim Traoré, the soldier behind Burkina Faso's latest coup? Available at: https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/who-is-ibrahim-traore-soldier-behind-burkina-fasos-latest-coup-2022-10-03/

Reuters (2022b) Burkina Faso military leader commits to predecessor's transition timeline. Available at: https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/burkina-faso-military-leader-commits-predecessors-transition-timeline-2022-10-05/

Reuters (2023) Burkina Faso marks official end of French military operations on its soil. Available at: https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/burkina-faso-marks-official-end-french-military-operations-its-soil-2023-02-19/

Tribune de Genève (2025) Burkina Faso: Les élections ne sont pas "une priorité" pour les militaires. Available at: https://www.tdg.ch/burkina-faso-les-elections-ne-sont-pas-une-priorite-pour-les-militaires-858984029454

Xinhua (2025) Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger formally exit ECOWAS. Available at: https://english.news.cn/africa/20250130/b030bff828204279bb246f50d8044e42/c.html

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