AN OVERVIEW OF INDIA’s POLITICAL PARTIES (2025)

Overview of India’s Political System

India is a federal parliamentary democratic republic. Power is divided between the central (Union) government and 28 states (plus Union Territories), each with its own elected legislature and government. The President of India is the ceremonial head of state, while executive power is wielded by the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers responsible to the Lok Sabha (Lower House of Parliament). The Parliament is bicameral, consisting of the Lok Sabha (543 elected members) and the Rajya Sabha (245 members, mostly elected by state legislatures). General elections are held every five years, and governments are formed by the party or coalition with a majority in the Lok Sabha. India has a multi-party system with frequent coalition governments, especially since the 1990s when single-party dominance gave way to coalition politics. The Constitution guarantees secularism and a pluralistic democracy, and politics is often influenced by India’s social diversity, regional identities, and dynastic leadership patterns.

National Political Parties

(The Election Commission of India recognises national parties based on their performance across multiple states. As of 2025, the national parties include the BJP, INC, CPI(M), BSP, NPP, and AAP.)

Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)

• Formation: Established on 6 April 1980 by leaders including Atal Bihari Vajpayee and L.K. Advani, as the successor to the Jana Sangh and a breakaway from the Janata Party. The BJP’s roots lie in the earlier Bharatiya Jana Sangh (1951–1977) founded by Syama Prasad Mookerjee, but the party in its current form was launched in 1980.

• Ideology: A right-wing party with a core ideology of Hindutva (Hindu nationalism) and cultural conservatism. The BJP advocates for Hindu cultural values and nationalism, aligning with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). It is economically liberal in outlook but socially conservative. The official doctrine of Integral Humanism(formulated by Deendayal Upadhyaya) underpins its platform. Overall, the BJP is identified as right-wing to far-right in the political spectrum.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: The BJP rose to prominence in the late 1980s during the Ram Janmabhoomi movement (Ayodhya temple campaign). After winning only 2 seats in 1984, it grew rapidly and led its first national government in 1998. Under Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the BJP headed the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and was in power from 1998–2004 (conducting nuclear tests in 1998 and economic reforms). Since 2014, the BJP has been India’s ruling party, winning landslide general election victories in 2014 and 2019 under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. It again led the NDA to victory in 2024, albeit with a slimmer majority. The BJP has also expanded its dominance to many states across India in recent years.

• Prominent Leaders: Atal Bihari Vajpayee (prime minister 1998–2004) and L.K. Advani were co-founders and early faces of the party. Vajpayee’s tenure as PM showcased the BJP’s acceptance as a national governing party. Narendra Modi, Prime Minister since 2014, is the party’s most influential current leader. Amit Shah (former party president and current Home Minister) is another key figure shaping party strategy. Other notable figures include Murli Manohar Joshi (co-founder) and Rajnath Singh. The BJP’s organizational backbone is supported by the RSS and affiliates, reflecting the close ideological link between the party and the Hindu nationalist movement.

Indian National Congress (INC)

• Formation: Established in 1885 during the British Raj, the Congress is India’s oldest political party. It was founded in Bombay on 28 December 1885 by Allan Octavian Hume (a retired British civil servant) along with Indian leaders like W\.C. Bonnerjee (the first Congress president). The INC was the pivotal organization in the Indian independence movement led by Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Sardar Patel, among others.

• Ideology: A centre-left, secular party advocating democracy, social justice, and inclusive development. Historically, the Congress promoted socialist economic policies (state-led development and welfare) especially under Nehru and Indira Gandhi. In the 1990s, it embraced economic liberalization (market reforms) under P.V. Narasimha Rao while retaining a commitment to secularism and social equity. The INC is often described as a “big tent” party – accommodating a broad spectrum from moderate left to centrist liberals. Its core values include secularism, egalitarianism, and the protection of minority rights.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: The Congress led India to independence in 1947, and dominated national politics for the first few decades thereafter. Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru (1947–64) and Indira Gandhi(Nehru’s daughter, PM for 15 years) were towering figures who shaped India’s socialist economic orientation and non-aligned foreign policy. The party’s first major setback came after the Emergency (1975–77) – a controversial period of authoritarian rule under Indira Gandhi – which led to its defeat in 1977. It returned to power in the 1980s under Rajiv Gandhi but faced challenges from corruption scandals and emerging regional parties. In the 2004 and 2009 elections, Congress formed coalition governments (the United Progressive Alliance, UPA) under Dr. Manmohan Singh as Prime Minister. Recently, the INC suffered heavy losses in 2014 (winning only 44 Lok Sabha seats) and 2019 (52 seats). It improved its tally in 2024 (99 seats, becoming the official Opposition) but remains out of power at the center. The Congress continues to be the principal opposition party, governing a few states and striving for revival.

• Prominent Leaders: Mahatma Gandhi (the iconic leader of the independence movement, though not an office-holder in government) gave Congress its mass appeal and philosophy of non-violence. Jawaharlal Nehru (India’s first PM) and Vallabhbhai Patel were key freedom fighters-turned-statesmen. The Nehru-Gandhi family has led the party for much of its history: Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi (PM 1966–77, 1980–84), Rajiv Gandhi (PM 1984–89), Sonia Gandhi (Congress President 1998–2017, 2019–22), and Rahul Gandhi. Other notable Congressmen include P.V. Narasimha Rao (PM 1991–96, who initiated economic reforms) and Dr. Manmohan Singh (PM 2004–14). The current Congress President (since 2022) is Mallikarjun Kharge, while Rahul Gandhi remains a prominent figure in the party’s leadership.

Communist Party of India (Marxist) – CPI(M)

• Formation: The CPI(M) was formed in 1964 as a breakaway from the Communist Party of India (CPI). Ideological and strategic differences during the Sino-Soviet split led a faction of the CPI, including leaders like E. M. S. Namboodiripad (of Kerala) and Jyoti Basu (of West Bengal), to establish the CPI(M) at the party’s 7th Congress in Calcutta. The split reflected disagreements over alignment with the Soviet Union vs. an independent line; the CPI(M) took a more radical, pro-Chinese stance in that era.

• Ideology: A Marxist-Leninist communist party, positioned on the far-left of the spectrum. The CPI(M) advocates for socialist economic policies – state ownership of key industries, land reforms, and workers’ rights – and has historically allied with trade unions and farmers’ movements. It is staunchly secular and opposes neoliberal globalization. The party’s program calls for a people’s democracy and has its strongest base among working classes and peasants. In practice, CPI(M) leads the Left Front coalition and participates in electoral democracy while maintaining communist principles.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: The CPI(M) became a dominant force in certain states. It led a coalition to power in West Bengal (1977–2011), under leaders like Jyoti Basu and Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, marking the longest democratically elected Communist government in the world. It also governed Tripura for many years and has been a major party in Kerala, ruling the state on and off. The Left Front, led by CPI(M), was a significant player in national politics – for instance, supporting the Congress-led UPA from outside in 2004–2008. However, the Left’s national influence declined after 2009; it suffered major defeats in West Bengal (2011) and Tripura (2018). Today, the CPI(M)’s strongest hold is in Kerala, where it heads the government (the Left Democratic Front) under Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan. The party continues to advocate for secular, pro-poor policies and often allies with other leftist and regional parties against the BJP and Congress.

• Prominent Leaders: E. M. S. Namboodiripad (the first Chief Minister of communist-ruled Kerala in 1957, and a founding leader of CPI(M)). Jyoti Basu, who served as West Bengal’s Chief Minister for 23 years (1977–2000), was a towering CPI(M) figure. He nearly became India’s Prime Minister in 1996 (a coalition offer he declined under party pressure). Other key figures include Harkishan Singh Surjeet (former General Secretary), Prakash Karat and Sitaram Yechury. Yechury, the General Secretary from 2015, has been a prominent voice of the party (he led the party until 2022 and was succeeded by M.A. Baby). In Kerala, veterans like V.S. Achuthanandan and current leader Pinarayi Vijayan have been influential. The party often works collectively, with decisions made by its Politburo and Central Committee rather than a single charismatic leader.

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP)

• Formation: Founded on 14 April 1984 (Ambedkar’s birth anniversary) by Kanshi Ram, a Dalit social activist. The BSP emerged from Kanshi Ram’s earlier efforts (such as the DS-4 and BAMCEF organizations) to mobilize Dalits and other oppressed communities. Kanshi Ram appointed Mayawati, a schoolteacher-turned-protégé, as his political heir; she later succeeded him as party leader.

• Ideology: The BSP espouses the philosophy of “Bahujan” (literally “the majority of people”) which refers to Scheduled Castes (Dalits), Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes (OBCs), and religious minorities – essentially, communities historically oppressed or marginalized. Its ideology is deeply influenced by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar (the Dalit icon and author of the Constitution) – advocating social justice, caste equality, and empowerment of the oppressed. The BSP’s platform is often called Ambedkarite: it seeks to end caste-based discrimination and create a society with “social transformation and economic emancipation” for the Bahujan Samaj. In practice, the BSP is a centre-left party focusing on Dalit and lower-caste rights, affirmative action, and populist welfare measures. Its symbol is the elephant, and it has a strong base in Uttar Pradesh.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: The BSP’s rise was meteoric in Uttar Pradesh (India’s most populous state). In 1993, it first tasted power by forming a coalition government in UP with the Samajwadi Party. Though that alliance broke down, Mayawati went on to serve as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh four times (brief stints in 1995, 1997, 2002, and a full term 2007–2012). Notably, in the 2007 UP state election, the BSP won an absolute majority on its own – a landmark victory attributed to Mayawati’s social coalition of Dalits and Brahmins. Nationally, the BSP became the third-largest party in Parliament in 2009 (winning 21 Lok Sabha seats). However, in recent years its influence has waned: it was defeated in the 2012 and 2017 UP elections and won no Lok Sabha seat in 2014. In the 2019 general election it secured 10 seats (in alliance). As of 2025, the BSP’s footprint is mainly in UP and it is striving to regain relevance.

• Prominent Leaders: Kanshi Ram (1934–2006), the founder, is revered for building a Dalit movement and mentoring new leaders. Mayawati, who took charge in 2001, is the party’s foremost leader – a Dalit woman who became Chief Minister and gave BSP a national profile. Mayawati’s charismatic leadership and social engineering were key to BSP’s successes. Other figures in the BSP are not as nationally known, as the party is highly identified with Mayawati herself. (Upon Kanshi Ram’s death, she became party president for life.) Recently, Mayawati named her nephew Akash Anand as a potential successor, indicating a dynastic trend. The party’s organization is cadre-based, and its campaign slogan “Jai Bhim” honors Dr. Ambedkar’s legacy.

National People’s Party (NPP)

• Formation: Launched in January 2013 by Purno Agitok (“P.A.”) Sangma. Sangma, a veteran politician from Meghalaya and former Lok Sabha Speaker, founded the NPP after expulsion from the NCP (over differences regarding the Congress leadership). The NPP thus began as a regional outfit in the Northeast but achieved the rare feat of becoming a national party in 2019 – the first from the Northeastern region to do so.

• Ideology: The NPP is a centre-right party focusing on the interests of India’s Northeast and tribal communities. It advocates regionalism, emphasizing development of remote Northeast states and safeguarding indigenous culture. The party’s official ideology includes conservatism and Christian democracy, reflecting the demographics of Meghalaya (which has a significant Christian population). In practice, the NPP calls for decentralization and special economic support for Northeast India. It aligns broadly with the BJP on many issues and has been part of the BJP-led North-East Democratic Alliance (NEDA) and NDA at the center. The party’s symbol is a book, signifying knowledge and empowerment.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: The NPP’s rise is tied to P.A. Sangma’s legacy. It was recognized as a national party in 2019 after fulfilling criteria by being a state party in four states of the Northeast. The NPP is dominant in Meghalaya – it became the largest party there, and Sangma’s son Conrad Sangma has been Chief Minister of Meghalaya since 2018 (leading a coalition government). The NPP also has a presence in other northeastern states (Manipur, Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh) and is a partner in regional governments. In the 2024 general elections and state elections, the NPP continued to consolidate its position in the Northeast. However, its influence beyond the region remains limited.

• Prominent Leaders: P.A. Sangma (1947–2016) – a towering Northeast leader, former Lok Sabha Speaker, and NPP founder – gave the party a pan-Northeast vision. After his death, his son Conrad Sangma has led the party; Conrad (an alumnus of Wharton) is the current National President of NPP and Chief Minister of Meghalaya. His sister Agatha Sangma (former Union Minister) is also a notable figure. The NPP’s emergence marked the political assertion of Northeastern voices at the national stage, under the Sangma family’s leadership.

Aam Aadmi Party (AAP)

• Formation: Founded on 26 November 2012 by Arvind Kejriwal and colleagues, emerging from the 2011 anti-corruption movement. AAP grew out of a popular agitation (the India Against Corruption campaign) led by social activist Anna Hazare. When negotiations for a Jan Lokpal (anti-graft ombudsman) failed, Kejriwal and his team decided to enter politics – thus forming the “Aam Aadmi Party” (meaning “Common Man’s Party”).

• Ideology: AAP is generally a centrist or centre-left party with an issue-based approach. It advocates pro-clean governance, social liberalism, and welfarism. The party’s stated ideology includes social liberalism, progressivism, secularism, and a strong anti-corruption stance. It champions policies like free or subsidized electricity, water, healthcare and education (often termed “populist” measures) while also emphasizing citizen empowerment and decentralization (Mohalla Sabhas). AAP positions itself against the corruption and VIP-culture of traditional parties, aiming to represent the “common man.” Economically, it supports a mixed economy with welfare schemes (such as Delhi’s mohalla clinics, schools improvement, etc.). Its symbol is a broom, signifying a clean sweep of the corrupt old politics.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: AAP made a stunning electoral debut in the 2013 Delhi Assembly election, winning 28 of 70 seats and forming a short-lived minority government with outside support. Arvind Kejriwal served 49 days as Chief Minister before resigning in early 2014 over the Jan Lokpal Bill’s blockage. In 2015, AAP won a landslide in Delhi (67/70 seats), and again secured a big victory in 2020 (62/70 seats), thus governing the National Capital Territory of Delhi for multiple terms. The party expanded beyond Delhi by winning the 2022 Punjab Assembly election with a three-fourths majority (92/117 seats), making Bhagwant Mann the Chief Minister of Punjab. This was a major breakthrough establishing AAP as a multi-state force. On the back of these successes, in April 2023 the Election Commission granted AAP the status of a national party. However, AAP faced a setback in the 2025 Delhi assembly election, losing power to the BJP after a decade in office. Nationally, AAP positioned itself as an opponent to both BJP and Congress – it briefly joined the opposition INDIA alliance in 2023 but later exited in 2025 due to political differences.

• Prominent Leaders: Arvind Kejriwal, the party’s National Convener and Delhi’s Chief Minister for three terms, is the face of AAP. A former IRS officer, he gained fame as an anti-corruption crusader (Magsaysay Awardee) and has since become a key opposition figure nationally. Manish Sisodia (ex-Deputy CM of Delhi) was a prominent leader and policy architect in education reforms (though he faced legal troubles by 2025). In Punjab, Bhagwant Mann is AAP’s leading figure (current CM). Other notable AAP leaders include Satyendar Jain (Delhi minister), Raghav Chadha, Atishi, and Sanjay Singh. The party is relatively young, so its leadership is not dynastic; it prides itself on having newcomers and professionals in politics. Kejriwal’s leadership style – focused on governance issues and free public services – continues to drive AAP’s appeal among urban middle classes and the underprivileged.

Major Regional Political Parties

(Regional parties dominate one or more states and often represent specific cultural, linguistic, or community interests. They play a pivotal role in India’s federal politics by governing states and sometimes partnering in national coalitions.)

All India Trinamool Congress (TMC)

• Formation: Launched on 1 January 1998 by Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal. Mamata, a firebrand leader, broke away from the Indian National Congress to form the Trinamool Congress (“Grassroots Congress”) after decades of Congress’s decline in Bengal. The TMC started as a breakaway faction of Congress but rapidly gained prominence under Mamata’s leadership as an anti-Left force in the state. (The party’s name “All India” reflects ambition beyond Bengal, though its base is largely in West Bengal.)

• Ideology: Centrist to centre-left regionalism. The TMC’s primary plank is Bengali sub-nationalism (Bengali pride) and social welfare populism. It champions secularism and has positioned itself as a progressive, inclusive party for West Bengal’s people. In its early years, TMC was essentially an anti-Communist platform rallying various groups against the long-ruling Left Front. It doesn’t subscribe to a rigid ideology beyond federalism and pro-poor governance. The party slogan “Maa, Mati, Manush” (Mother, Earth, People) coined by Mamata Banerjee encapsulates its populist ethos. Ideologically, TMC supports farmer and worker welfare, and has at times taken stands slightly to the left-of-center in economic policy, combined with a strong regional cultural identity(promotion of the Bengali language and heritage). According to party literature, it upholds secular, democratic values and has called itself a “progressive secular party”. (Notably, TMC was part of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) at the national level in the 2000s before later distancing itself.)

• Key Historical & Recent Events: The TMC’s rise ended 34 years of Marxist rule in West Bengal. In the 2011 state elections, Mamata Banerjee led TMC to a historic victory over the Left Front, riding public anger from events like the Nandigram anti-land acquisition movement. She became the first woman Chief Minister of West Bengal in 2011. TMC has since won three consecutive assembly elections (2011, 2016, 2021), remaining the ruling party in West Bengal. Under Mamata, the party also expanded its footprint: it had brief forays in states like Tripura, Manipur, Goa, etc., and was the 4th largest party in Parliament after the 2019 elections (with 22 Lok Sabha MPs). However, in April 2023, TMC lost its national party status (due to insufficient presence in states). Recently, TMC has been a vocal opposition to the BJP at the national stage. In West Bengal, it survived a strong BJP challenge in the 2021 election, with Mamata Banerjee securing a third term as CM. The party has faced issues of corruption allegations (such as the Saradha scam) but continues to command mass support through its welfare schemes like “Kanyashree” and “Duare Sarkar”.

• Prominent Leaders: Mamata Banerjee, the founder and Chairperson, is the undeniable driving force of TMC. Often called “Didi” (elder sister), she rose from a Congress youth leader to Railways Minister and then became an emblem of Bengal’s political change. She is known for her street-fighter image and simple lifestyle. Other senior TMC figures include Abhishek Banerjee (Mamata’s nephew and party MP, seen as her political heir), Partha Chatterjee, Sudip Bandyopadhyay, and Derek O’Brien (parliamentary leader). The TMC initially had former Congress stalwarts like Mukherjee and Dinesh Trivedi, but over time Mamata’s personal leadership has overshadowed all others. She herself is a past Union Minister and has nationwide stature as a key opposition leader. TMC’s administration in Bengal has also produced regional leaders like Amit Mitra (finance) and Farmer-leader Becharam Manna, but none rival Mamata’s influence in the party’s decision-making.

Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK)

• Formation: Founded on 17 September 1949 in Tamil Nadu by C.N. Annadurai. The DMK emerged from the Dravidian movement – Annadurai split from Periyar’s Dravidar Kazhagam (a socio-cultural movement) to form a political party called the Dravidian Progressive Federation (DMK). It was rooted in assertions of Tamil identity and opposition to North Indian dominance. The DMK became the first Dravidian party to attain power in the state.

• Ideology: Dravidian nationalism and social justice. The DMK espouses Tamil pride (language and culture)and initially even demanded an independent Dravidian nation in the 1950s (though it dropped secessionist demands after 1962). Its ideology, influenced by leaders like Periyar and Annadurai, includes rationalism, atheism, and anti-caste principles. The DMK led movements against imposition of Hindi language and championed the rights of backward castes and Dalits in Tamil society. Economically, DMK leans left-of-center (supporting welfare schemes and state intervention). It is strongly secular; it positioned itself against Hindutva politics, focusing instead on ethnic and linguistic identity. The party slogan “Ondre Kulam, Oruvanae Deivam” (One community, one God – implying all are equal) reflects its egalitarian values. In contemporary times, the DMK’s core ideology is often summarized as social democracy with a regional (Tamil) emphasis.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: The DMK made history in 1967 by winning the Tamil Nadu state elections – thereby ending Congress’s monopoly and making C.N. Annadurai the Chief Minister. Annadurai’s tenure was short (he died in 1969) but he achieved the renaming of Madras State to Tamil Nadu and cemented Tamil as the state’s official language. His successor M. Karunanidhi led the DMK for decades thereafter. Under Karunanidhi, the DMK governments implemented pioneering social reforms (like affirmative action in education, and slum clearance housing). In 1972, internal conflicts led actor-turned-politician M.G. Ramachandran (MGR) to break away and form the AIADMK, sparking a famous rivalry. The DMK and AIADMK have since alternated in power in Tamil Nadu. The DMK ruled the state in 1967–76, 1989–91, 1996–2001, 2006–2011, and most recently won the 2021 state election, returning to power under M.K. Stalin (Karunanidhi’s son) as Chief Minister. Nationally, the DMK has been an influential ally in coalition governments (part of the NDA in 1999 and UPA in 2004 and 2009, with DMK leaders holding Union Cabinet posts). The party has navigated ups and downs, including periods of President’s Rule in Tamil Nadu (after communal tensions in 1970s and the Rajiv Gandhi assassination in 1991, which led to temporary political isolation of DMK). Today, DMK is the principal ruling party in Tamil Nadu, with Stalin pursuing a development and social justice agenda, and it remains a key player in national opposition fronts.

• Prominent Leaders: C.N. Annadurai (1909–1969), revered as “Anna” (elder brother), was DMK’s founder and a charismatic leader known for his wit and oratory. M. Karunanidhi (1924–2018) was the party’s president for nearly 50 years and five-time Chief Minister – a literary figure who shaped Dravidian politics and policies. He deftly balanced regional aspirations with participation in central politics. M.K. Stalin, Karunanidhi’s son, is the current DMK President and Chief Minister (since 2021), continuing his father’s legacy of welfare schemes (e.g. urban employment guarantee, healthcare initiatives). Other notable stalwarts were K.A. Mathiazhagan and N.V. Natarajan (early collaborators of Annadurai), and film-star-turned-politician Kamal Haasan who, while not in DMK, aligns on Dravidian ideals. Within DMK, Stalin’s son Udhayanidhi Stalin is an emerging leader (now a state minister). Historically, the party also nurtured Tamil cinema talents in politics – both Annadurai and Karunanidhi were scriptwriters who leveraged the medium to spread Dravidian ideology. The DMK’s blend of literary and political leadership has been a hallmark of its identity.

All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK)

• Formation: Established in October 1972 by Marudhur Gopalan Ramachandran (M.G. Ramachandran, or “MGR”), a popular film actor and ex-DMK leader. MGR founded the party following his expulsion from the DMK due to differences with Karunanidhi. Originally named Anna DMK (in honor of C.N. Annadurai), it later became “All India ADMK” to signify a national outlook. The AIADMK’s creation was fueled less by ideological splits and more by personal and leadership rifts; MGR promised a return to the original values of Annadurai’s movement and a cleaner, pro-poor governance.

• Ideology: Dravidian in origin, but generally lacking a strict ideology beyond regional welfare and populism. The AIADMK professes social welfare, Tamil pride, and inclusive growth similar to DMK, but it tends to be somewhat more socially conservative and has aligned with Hindu nationalist parties at times (e.g., alliances with BJP). The party’s manifesto historically pledged to protect Tamil interests and often continued DMK-initiated social programs (education mid-day meals, etc.). Under MGR and later J. Jayalalithaa, AIADMK became known for its pro-poor populist schemes – like subsidized food canteens, free laptops, mixers, grinders for households, etc. It espouses secularism in a broad sense but has had a more accommodating stance toward the national BJP compared to DMK. In summary, AIADMK’s guiding philosophy is often described as “Annaism” – a blend of Annadurai’s social justice and MGR’s charismatic populism – rather than a distinct new ideology.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: AIADMK quickly rose to power; in 1977, just five years after its founding, MGR led the party to a decisive win in Tamil Nadu’s elections and became Chief Minister. MGR’s personal popularity (as a film hero known for portraying Robin Hood-like characters) translated into electoral success – he remained CM for a decade until his death in 1987, winning consecutive elections in 1980 and 1984 as well. After MGR’s death, a leadership tussle ensued between his widow Janaki Ramachandran and his protégée J. Jayalalithaa, which Jayalalithaa eventually won by 1989. Jayalalithaa (often called “Amma”) led the AIADMK to victory in 1991, 2001, 2011, and 2016 state elections, serving as Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu for over 14 years in total. Her administrations were marked by both welfare schemes (such as Amma Canteens for cheap meals) and accusations of corruption (she was even convicted in a disproportionate assets case in 2014, later acquitted on appeal). Jayalalithaa’s passing in December 2016 created a vacuum; since then, AIADMK saw internal splits and power struggles. The party won the 2016 election under her but lost power in 2021 to the DMK. Nationally, AIADMK has been an important ally in governments – it was part of NDA under Vajpayee (1998–1999) and again supported the BJP-led government in 2019. In recent years, AIADMK allied with BJP in Tamil Nadu (2019 Lok Sabha polls) but faces challenges from intra-party factions and the new BJP footprint in the state. As of 2025, AIADMK remains the main opposition in Tamil Nadu.

• Prominent Leaders: M.G. Ramachandran (MGR) – founder and the charismatic first AIADMK Chief Minister, revered for his generosity and welfare focus. Even decades after his death, he remains a cult figure in Tamil Nadu politics (AIADMK’s two-leaves symbol and flag still evoke MGR’s legacy). J. Jayalalithaa (1948–2016) took over the mantle – a former actress turned politician, she became one of India’s most powerful female leaders. She was known for her iron grip on the party and was worshipped by supporters (at her peak, ministers publicly prostrated before her). After Jayalalithaa, the party’s leadership fell to O. Panneerselvam (OPS) and Edappadi K. Palaniswami (EPS) who alternated as CMs (2016–2021). Eventually, E.K. Palaniswami emerged as the predominant leader and Leader of Opposition. Other founding figures include V.N. Janaki Ramachandran(MGR’s wife, briefly CM) and Rajya Sabha MP Thambidurai. The AIADMK, post-Jayalalithaa, currently lacks a single charismatic figure of the stature of MGR or Amma, and its future leadership and direction are closely watched in Tamil politics.

Shiv Sena (Balasahebanchi Shiv Sena and Shiv Sena – UBT)

• Formation: Founded on 19 June 1966 by Bal Keshav Thackeray (Bal Thackeray) in Mumbai, Maharashtra. The name “Shiv Sena” means “Army of Shivaji” (the 17th-century Maratha king), reflecting Maratha pride. Thackeray, a cartoonist-turned-firebrand, created the party initially as a nativist movement to champion the rights of Marathi-speaking locals against “outsiders” in Mumbai. The Sena began as a regional ethnocentric organization and later evolved into a major political party in Maharashtra.

• Ideology: Originally Marathi sub-nationalism (sons-of-soil doctrine) and later a strong strain of Hindu nationalism. In its early years, Shiv Sena’s ideology centered on Maharashtrian pride and regional exclusivity – it targeted South Indian migrants in the 1960s, accusing them of taking jobs in Mumbai, and adopted the slogan “Marathi manoos” (Marathi people first). By the 1980s, under the influence of national events, the Sena aligned with the Hindutva ideology: staunchly anti-Muslim, anti-Communist, and promoting Hindu unity. The party is socially conservative and viewed as far-right in its attitudes – its cadres (Shiv Sainiks) were known for aggressive street activism and sometimes violence. The Sena also espouses populist policies for the lower middle classes in urban areas. It has historically been pro-market (supportive of Mumbai’s business interests) yet protectionist for local jobs. In summary, Shiv Sena’s platform is a blend of aggressive regionalism + Hindu right-wing nationalism, making it unique among regional parties.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: Shiv Sena built its base through the late 1960s by dominating Mumbai’s civic politics (winning the Mumbai municipal corporation in 1985). It played a controversial role in the 1992–93 Bombay riots, being accused of instigating anti-Muslim violence (as identified by the Srikrishna Commission). In alliance with the BJP, the Sena achieved state power in 1995, forming a government in Maharashtra for the first time (with Manohar Joshi as CM, later replaced by Narayan Rane). It was during this government that Bombay was officially renamed Mumbai in 1995, a long-standing Sena demand. The Shiv Sena-BJP alliance, known as the “Mahayuti”, lasted 25 years in various forms. After Bal Thackeray’s death in 2012, his son Uddhav Thackeraytook leadership. The party saw a major split in 2006 when Bal Thackeray’s nephew Raj Thackeray left to form the MNS, which temporarily dented Sena’s support. In the 2019 Maharashtra elections, Shiv Sena won a substantial number of seats but broke its alliance with the BJP over a chief ministership dispute. Uddhav Thackeray then formed an unlikely coalition (Maha Vikas Aghadi) with the ideologically disparate NCP and Congress, becoming Chief Minister in 2019. This power shift was dramatic, as the Sena repositioned itself as a more centrist, secular regional party in that period. However, in 2022 the Shiv Sena itself split: senior leader Eknath Shinde led a rebellion of MLAs, aligning with the BJP and toppling Uddhav’s government. Shinde became Chief Minister with BJP support, and in 2023 the Election Commission recognized Shinde’s faction as the legitimate Shiv Sena, granting it the party name and the traditional “bow and arrow” symbol. Uddhav’s faction, now called Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray) (SS-UBT), was assigned a new symbol and continues as a separate party. Thus, the legacy Shiv Sena has effectively bifurcated into: Shinde’s Shiv Sena (aligned with BJP, currently ruling Maharashtra) and Uddhav’s Shiv Sena (UBT) (in opposition, aligned with Congress/NCP). Despite these schisms, Shiv Sena’s enduring role in Maharashtra politics – whether in original or splinter form – remains significant.

• Prominent Leaders: Bal Thackeray (1926–2012) – the founder, often called “Hindu Hriday Samrat” (Emperor of Hindu Hearts) by followers. Though he never held elected office, Bal Thackeray wielded tremendous influence through fiery speeches and was de facto decision-maker when the Sena was in power. Uddhav Thackeray, Balasaheb’s son, led the party from 2012 until the 2022 split; he served as Chief Minister (2019–22) and gave the Sena a relatively moderate face in that period. Eknath Shinde, a grassroots leader from Thane, emerged as a key figure during the 2022 revolt and is the current Chief Minister of Maharashtra from the Shinde-led Shiv Sena. Other notable personalities: Anand Dighe (late Thane strongman who mentored Shinde), Manohar Joshi (ex-CM and Speaker of Lok Sabha), Sanjay Raut (Uddhav-loyalist and outspoken MP), and Raj Thackeray (who formed MNS). The Thackeray brand, however, has been central – even the Shinde faction invokes Balasaheb’s legacy (calling itself Balasahebanchi Shiv Sena). Going forward, the contest between Uddhav and Shinde factions, and the role of Uddhav’s son Aditya Thackeray (a young MLA), will shape the Sena’s future.

Nationalist Congress Party (NCP)

• Formation: Established in June 1999 by Sharad Pawar, P.A. Sangma, and Tariq Anwar – all senior Congress leaders expelled after objecting to Sonia Gandhi’s foreign-born origin. The trio formed the NCP on a platform that only Indian-born citizens should hold high office. Sharad Pawar, a Maratha heavyweight from Maharashtra, became the NCP’s President and chief architect. (Ironically, despite its inception on the foreign-leadership issue, the NCP later allied with Sonia Gandhi’s Congress and that initial issue faded from its agenda.)

• Ideology: Centrist, secular, and pro-farmer. The NCP’s ideology is very much aligned with the Congress’s policies – advocating democracy, secularism, and social justice – but with a focus on decentralization and regional aspirations. It brands itself as a party of the “common man” with Gandhian secular values and socialist orientation. In Maharashtra, NCP draws heavy support from farmers and the sugar cooperatives; Pawar himself is identified with the cooperative sector and agriculture. The party does not emphasize any distinct ideological doctrine; instead, it emphasizes good governance and development. Over the years, the NCP has been part of Congress-led coalitions and has not hesitated to join hands with ideologically similar parties. Notably, the NCP has a strong Maratha-Kunbi community base in Maharashtra and often champions reservations and representation for communities. On economic issues, the NCP is centrist – supporting liberalization with a human face. It stood firmly for secular politics, opposing the BJP’s Hindutva, until a recent split (where a faction aligned with BJP).

• Key Historical & Recent Events: The NCP’s stronghold has been Maharashtra. In the 1999 Maharashtra state elections (shortly after formation), it won 58 seats and formed a coalition government with Congress, with which it then jointly ruled Maharashtra for 15 years (1999–2014). At the national level, NCP joined the UPA central government (2004–2014), with Sharad Pawar serving as Agriculture Minister. Pawar’s influence was seen in policies like the farm loan waiver of 2008. The party’s electoral peak in Maharashtra was the 2004 assembly (71 seats). After 2014, the NCP lost power in state and center as BJP gained. In the 2019 Maharashtra elections, NCP performed better than expected and surprisingly ended up in government as part of the three-party Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliance with Shiv Sena and Congress, with NCP’s Ajit Pawar as Deputy CM. This unlikely coalition (uniting Pawar’s NCP and the Congress with their erstwhile rival Shiv Sena) governed from 2019–2022. However, the government collapsed in June 2022 due to Shiv Sena’s split. Subsequently, in July 2023, the NCP itself split: Ajit Pawar (Sharad Pawar’s nephew) led a group of NCP legislators to join the BJP-Shiv Sena (Shinde) government, effectively aligning with the NDA. This led to two rival NCP factions – one loyal to Sharad Pawar and the breakaway led by Ajit – each claiming the party’s name. The Election Commission in late 2023 awarded the party name and symbol to the Ajit Pawar faction, dealing a blow to Sharad Pawar. As of 2025, Ajit Pawar is a Deputy CM in the Maharashtra government (with BJP and Shinde’s Sena), while Sharad Pawar (at age 84) leads the dissident faction under a temporary name (NCP–Sharad Pawar). The NCP’s trajectory thus illustrates shifting alliances: from being a steadfast Congress ally to a split where a part now allies with BJP.

• Prominent Leaders: Sharad Pawar, NCP President, is one of India’s longest-serving politicians – a three-time Chief Minister of Maharashtra and former Union Minister with a five-decade career. Known as a master strategist, Pawar is respected across party lines. P.A. Sangma (1947–2016), co-founder, represented the Northeastern voice; he left NCP in 2012 to run for President, and later formed the National People’s Party (making NPP a national party in Northeast). Ajit Pawar, Sharad’s nephew, has been a key state-level leader (ex-Maharashtra Finance Minister) and now leads the rebel faction. Supriya Sule (Sharad Pawar’s daughter) is a prominent NCP MP known for her articulate advocacy in Parliament, and she is seen as Sharad’s political heir in the main NCP. Other notable NCP figures include Chhagan Bhujbal (ex-Deputy CM), Praful Patel (former Union Minister, now with Ajit faction), and Dilip Walse-Patil. The Pawar family’s influence is central – with two power centers now, one around Sharad (Sule) and one around Ajit, reflecting the internal generational shift and ambitions that led to the split.

Samajwadi Party (SP)

• Formation: Launched in October 1992 by Mulayam Singh Yadav in Uttar Pradesh. The SP emerged from the remnants of the Janata Dal and Lok Dal socialist traditions, shortly after the Babri Masjid demolition and amid rising Mandal (OBC reservation) politics. Mulayam, an OBC leader and former Chief Minister, parted ways from Janata parivar factions to form his own party dedicated to socialist ideals and representing Yadavs and Muslims – two key support groups of the post-Mandal era.

• Ideology: Democratic socialism and secularism. The SP professes the socialist ideology of Ram Manohar Lohia(a prominent post-independence socialist) – advocating for equality, social justice, and welfare of the backward classes. It seeks a casteless society (Samajwadi = socialist, implying egalitarian social order) and has been a vocal proponent of OBC reservations and minority rights. In practice, the SP’s politics in Uttar Pradesh focus on empowering Yadavs (a dominant OBC farming community) and Muslims, who form its core vote bank, while also appealing to other backward communities. The party is generally left-of-center on economics – supporting subsidies, free education, farmer interests – but also encourages private investment for development. Its secularism is evident in opposing Hindutva agendas; Mulayam famously ordered firing on kar sevaks in Ayodhya in 1990 to protect the mosque, earning the moniker “Mullah Mulayam” from critics. The SP also espouses Hindi heartland agrarian interests and has resisted English dominance (in line with Lohia’s views on language). Overall, it is a populist party rallying the lower strata against upper-caste elite dominance.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: The SP quickly became a major force in Uttar Pradesh. Mulayam Singh Yadav, its founder, served multiple terms as Chief Minister (1989–91 as Janata Dal, then 1993–95 and 2003–07 with SP). In 1993, SP formed a historic alliance with BSP to halt the BJP post-Babri demolition; Mulayam became CM with BSP’s support, though that pact collapsed in 1995 amid acrimony. In the late 1990s and 2000s, SP and BSP alternated as the main players in UP. The SP-led government of 2003–2007 was Mulayam’s third term. In 2012, Mulayam’s son Akhilesh Yadav led the SP to a sweeping victory, becoming at 38 the state’s youngest Chief Minister (2012–2017). The SP government in that period launched schemes like the laptop distribution to students and built infrastructure (the Agra-Lucknow expressway), marking a blend of populism and development. However, internal family feuds (between Akhilesh and his uncle Shivpal Yadav) weakened the party by 2017. The SP lost the 2017 election to the BJP’s surge and again finished second in 2022. Nationally, the SP has had influence mainly through UP’s large parliamentary delegation – Mulayam was Defense Minister in the United Front government (1996–98). In recent general elections (2014, 2019), the SP underperformed due to the Modi wave, but it remains the principal opposition in UP. In 2019, SP briefly allied with BSP (an unprecedented tie-up of arch-rivals) to counter BJP, but the alliance fell apart after election losses. As of 2025, Akhilesh Yadav leads the SP and has attempted to broaden its appeal to other communities (even inducting some upper-caste leaders) while retaining its core socialist image.

• Prominent Leaders: Mulayam Singh Yadav (1939–2022) – often called “Netaji”, he was the SP patriarch and a former wrestler-turned-politician who championed Mandal Commission recommendations for OBCs. Mulayam’s earthy charisma and caste coalition-building made him a central figure in UP politics for decades. Akhilesh Yadav, Mulayam’s son, is now SP President; Western-educated and tech-savvy, he represents the next generation and was CM from 2012–17, gaining credit for developmental initiatives. Other key figures in SP include Ram Gopal Yadav(Mulayam’s cousin and Rajya Sabha MP, chief strategist), Shivpal Singh Yadav (Mulayam’s brother who formed a breakaway party in 2018 but reconciled later), and veteran leaders like Azam Khan (Muslim face of SP) and Mohammad Azam Khan. The party also at times allied with film star politicians – e.g., Jaya Bachchan is an SP Rajya Sabha MP. The SP’s organizational structure has often revolved around the Yadav family. Following Mulayam’s passing, Akhilesh has firm control, and he has sought to forge a broader opposition unity in UP by mending fences with estranged family and rivals, positioning SP as the main alternative to the BJP in the state.

Janata Dal (United) – JD(U)

• Formation: The JD(U) in its current form was created in October 2003 through a merger of the erstwhile Janata Dal (Sharad Yadav faction) with the Samata Party (led by George Fernandes and Nitish Kumar) and some smaller parties. Its roots trace back to the Janata Dal founded by V.P. Singh in 1988, which splintered over time. One split was in 1999 when the Janata Dal’s secular vs. NDA divide led H.D. Deve Gowda to form JD(S) and Sharad Yadav to form JD(U) as a partner of the BJP. Nitish’s Samata Party (formed 1994) merged into JD(U) in 2003, giving JD(U) a strong base in Bihar.

• Ideology: Center-left, socialist, and secular. The JD(U) upholds the legacy of Ram Manohar Lohia and Jayaprakash Narayan – advocating socialism (samajwad), social justice, and democracy. It is committed to secularism and has a significant base among OBCs, EBCs (Extremely Backward Classes) in Bihar, as well as support from some upper castes due to its good-governance image. JD(U) promotes inclusive development, empowering women and rural communities (Nitish Kumar introduced liquor prohibition and 50% women’s reservation in local bodies, for instance). Economically, it’s moderate – pursuing infrastructure growth and investment in Bihar while maintaining welfare schemes (like bicycle distribution to girls, credit to farmers). Notably, JD(U)’s politics have oscillated between alliances but ideologically it maintains that it is against communalism (it walked out of an alliance with BJP in 2013 citing Narendra Modi’s leadership, for example). The party’s stated mission is to carry forward JP Narayan’s “total revolution” ideals and Lohia’s egalitarian policies.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: The JD(U) has been the ruling party in Bihar for much of the past two decades. Under Nitish Kumar, it came to power in 2005 (in coalition with BJP) after 15 years of Lalu Yadav’s RJD rule, on a platform of law-and-order and development. Nitish’s first tenure (2005–2010) saw a significant improvement in Bihar’s infrastructure and crime situation, leading to a landslide re-election in 2010 (the JD(U)-BJP combine won 206 out of 243 seats). In 2013, Nitish broke away from the BJP/NDA over differences with Modi, and the JD(U) fought 2014 polls alone (faring poorly). In 2015, JD(U) formed the “Grand Alliance” (Mahagathbandhan) with RJD and Congress, which won the state election; Nitish became CM with Lalu’s RJD as the larger partner. However, in 2017, Nitish abruptly left this alliance and re-joined the BJP-led NDA, citing corruption charges on RJD leaders. This allowed him to remain CM (in a JD(U)-BJP government) until 2020. After the 2020 Bihar elections, JD(U) actually came third (BJP won more seats), but BJP still backed Nitish as CM. Most recently, in August 2022, Nitish Kumar once again broke ties with BJP, accusing it of undermining his party, and revived his alliance with RJD and others – returning to a “Mahagathbandhan” government which continues as of 2025. These frequent alliance flips have given JD(U) a reputation of being ideologically flexible or “unreliable” in coalitions, though Nitish defends them as principled stands to protect secularism or due to BJP’s machinations. At the national level, JD(U) has had minor presence (a few MPs); it was part of NDA governments in the past. The party also had a stint in Jharkhand(carved from Bihar) and slight presence in Karnataka (origin of JD faction).

• Prominent Leaders: Nitish Kumar, the face of JD(U), is a veteran socialist who served as Union Minister in NDA governments before becoming Bihar’s Chief Minister for a record 7 terms (2000, 2005–14, 2015–20, 2020–present). He is often dubbed “Sushasan Babu” (Mr. Good Governance) for his administrative focus and remains one of India’s longest-serving CMs. George Fernandes (1930–2019), a renowned socialist and former Defence Minister, was JD(U)’s first president in 2003 – his health waned later, but he was a guiding light. Sharad Yadav(1947–2023), who co-founded JD(U), was a key chairman of the party and a prominent OBC leader; however, he was sidelined in 2017 for opposing Nitish’s BJP re-alliance and eventually exited the party. Other leaders include K.C. Tyagi (party spokesman), Lalan Singh (current JD(U) national president and close Nitish aide), and Upendra Kushwaha (who has since broken away). In terms of succession, Nitish has not anointed any clear heir within JD(U). The party’s fortunes are heavily tied to his popularity and political maneuvers.

Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD)

• Formation: Created in July 1997 by Lalu Prasad Yadav in Bihar. Lalu, then Chief Minister of Bihar, broke away from the Janata Dal after being forced to resign due to the fodder scam charges. He formed the RJD (meaning “National People’s Party”) to retain power, installing his wife Rabri Devi as CM and effectively continuing his rule via the new party. The RJD was essentially born out of the Janata Dal’s Bihar unit, splitting on personal leadership lines.

• Ideology: Social justice, secularism, and populism centered on lower-caste empowerment. The RJD inherits the Mandal Commission legacy – it champions OBC, Muslim, and Dalit interests in Bihar. Lalu Prasad’s politics are rooted in “Garibon ki Rajneeti” (politics of the poor). He often invoked slogans like “Social justice is my religion.” The party stands for egalitarian society (Samajik Nyay) as espoused by icons like Karpoori Thakur (a mentor to Lalu). Economically, RJD leans left, advocating pro-farmer, pro-labor policies and generous welfare (though its time in power was also marked by allegations of mismanagement). It strongly opposes communalism; Lalu earned nationwide praise for arresting LK Advani during the 1990 Rath Yatra to prevent communal unrest. In summary, RJD’s raison d’être is representing the Yadavs (a dominant OBC caste) and Muslims – a combination often called MY – and other marginalized groups, and preventing the hegemony of upper castes or Hindutva forces in Bihar.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: Under Lalu’s charismatic populism, RJD (and previously Janata Dal) ruled Bihar for 15 years continuously (1990–2005). Lalu was CM from 1990 until 1997, then his wife Rabri Devi served as CM from 1997–2005 after Lalu had to step down. This period, while ensuring political representation for backward classes, got tagged as the “Jungle Raj” by critics due to law-and-order deterioration and lack of economic development. In 2005, RJD lost power to the JD(U)-BJP combine; that marked the end of Lalu’s era as the unchallenged Bihar strongman. Subsequently, RJD remained the principal opposition in Bihar. In the 2015 state election, RJD made a comeback as part of a Grand Alliance with Nitish’s JD(U) – it actually won the largest number of seats (80) and Lalu’s son Tejashwi Yadav became Deputy Chief Minister in the short-lived JD(U)-RJD government. That alliance broke in 2017, leaving RJD out of power again. In the 2020 election, RJD (now led in campaign by Tejashwi Yadav) emerged as the single-largest party and ran a strong campaign on economic justice, but the alliance fell slightly short. In August 2022, fortune swung back as Nitish Kumar rejoined hands with RJD – RJD re-entered government, with Tejashwi Yadav as Deputy CM once more. At the national level, RJD has been part of UPA coalitions – Lalu served as Railways Minister (2004–09) and is credited with a notable turnaround of the Railways during that time. However, Lalu’s conviction in fodder scam cases (2013 onwards) has barred him from contesting elections and briefly jailed him, diminishing his direct role. RJD’s performance in recent national elections was modest, but it still holds a strong base in Bihar.

• Prominent Leaders: Lalu Prasad Yadav, the founder-president, is an icon of rustic mass politics – known for his wit and relatability. Despite corruption convictions, he remains immensely popular among his core supporters. Rabri Devi, his wife, though initially seen as a proxy, later found her own footing and is now an RJD leader (MLC) in her own right. Tejashwi Prasad Yadav, Lalu’s younger son, has taken over day-to-day leadership; as Leader of Opposition and Deputy CM, Tejashwi has grown in stature and is positioning RJD as a youthful, modern yet socially committed party. Lalu’s elder son Tej Pratap Yadav is also a politician but less influential. Other key RJD figures include Jagdanand Singh (state president), Abdul Bari Siddiqui, and Misa Bharti (Lalu’s daughter and Rajya Sabha MP). The RJD is effectively a family-driven party, with the Yadav family at the helm. Lalu’s persona defined the party in its first two decades; now Tejashwi’s leadership in the post-Lalu era will determine RJD’s future trajectory.

Biju Janata Dal (BJD)

• Formation: Founded in December 1997 by Naveen Patnaik in Odisha. The party is named after Naveen’s father, the late Biju Patnaik – a legendary former Chief Minister of Odisha. The BJD was formed shortly after Biju Patnaik’s death (April 1997); Naveen entered politics and won his father’s Lok Sabha seat in a by-election, then split from Janata Dal to create a new regional party dedicated to “continuing Biju Babu’s legacy”. It began as part of the Janata parivar but quickly established its separate identity.

• Ideology: Odisha-centric regionalism with a centrist, welfare-oriented outlook. The BJD proclaims no rigid ideology except a commitment to secularism and the development of Odisha and its vulnerable populations. It focuses on the socio-economic progress of a state that has historically lagged behind. Under Naveen Patnaik, BJD has crafted an image of clean governance, transparency, and pro-poor schemes (such as 1-rupee rice, women’s self-help groups mission, etc.). The party stands for inclusive growth, disaster management competence (Odisha faces frequent cyclones), and cultural pride in Odia identity (for example, pushing for Odia language preservation). It maintained an anti-Congress stance in the state (as Congress was its main rival) and was allied with the BJP for a decade, though not out of ideological affinity but political strategy. Since 2009, BJD has been equidistant from both BJP and Congress, promoting a federalist stance – seeking more autonomy and “special category status” for Odisha to get additional central funds. Overall, BJD can be described as centrist populist, emphasizing efficient welfare delivery and state rights.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: The BJD quickly rose to dominate Odisha politics. In alliance with the BJP, it won the 2000 state elections, with Naveen Patnaik becoming Chief Minister. This coalition government ousted a long-entrenched Congress regime. BJD-BJP swept Odisha again in 2004. However, ahead of the 2009 elections, BJD broke its alliance with BJP after a communal flare-up in Kandhamal and seat-sharing disagreements. The BJD then won an emphatic victory on its own in 2009 (103/147 assembly seats), and further consolidated power in 2014 (117 seats) and 2019 (112 seats), giving Naveen Patnaik five consecutive terms as Chief Minister. Under his leadership, Odisha saw improvement in infrastructure, poverty reduction, and has been nationally lauded for effective disaster response (e.g., handling of cyclones Phailin in 2013 and Fani in 2019). At the national level, BJD was part of the NDA (1998–2008) with MPs in Union Cabinet (Naveen himself was a Union Minister 1998-2000 before becoming CM). After 2009, BJD has stayed neutral – neither joining UPA nor NDA – and often holds the balance in Rajya Sabha on legislation. The party faced some anti-incumbency in 2024 national elections but remains very popular in the state. In 2024, however, for the first time, an opposition (BJP) made significant gains in the Lok Sabha polls in Odisha (as per hypothetical current scenario), though BJD still managed a majority in the simultaneous assembly polls. Naveen Patnaik’s governance style – often termed “3Ps: peace, progress, prosperity” – has given BJD a Teflon image, unmarred by major scandals.

• Prominent Leaders: Naveen Patnaik, the Chief Minister, is the supreme leader of BJD – he has been in power for over 22 years continuously and is one of India’s longest-serving chief ministers. Remarkably, he managed this despite starting in politics in his 50s with no prior experience. Known for his personal integrity and austere lifestyle, Naveen speaks Odia with some difficulty but is hugely admired for his actions (his catchphrase “Apana Mane Khushi Ta?” – “Are you happy, folks?” – is famous). The BJD, being centered on Naveen, has not cultivated many pan-India figures, but within Odisha, there are lieutenants like Prasanna Acharya, Pinaki Mishra (MP), and Shri Sudhir Kumar. The party often brings in technocrats and civil servants for expertise (e.g., Shashi Bhusan Beheraor Subash Singh). Bhartruhari Mahtab is a long-time BJD MP known in parliament. Bijayananda “Biju” Patnaik, although he passed before BJD’s formation, remains the inspirational icon – BJD’s name and much of its goodwill rides on the nostalgia and respect for Biju, who is considered a heroic figure in Odisha’s history. Naveen has meticulously kept Biju’s legacy above politics, naming numerous institutions and schemes after him, thereby keeping the BJD brand synonymous with Odia pride and continuity.

Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP)

• Formation: Founded in 2011 by Y.S. Jaganmohan Reddy in the state of Andhra Pradesh. Jagan (often referred by his first name) is the son of the late Dr. Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy (YSR), a popular Congress Chief Minister of Andhra (2004–2009). After YSR’s sudden death in 2009, a succession tussle ensued; the Congress high command refused to anoint Jagan as CM, prompting him to break away and form his own party – named after his father. The YSRCP thus began as a rebel offshoot of the Congress, banking on YSR’s legacy of welfare schemes and mass appeal.

• Ideology: Populist welfare and regional pride. YSRCP’s philosophy is essentially built around continuing YSR’s policies – which were pro-poor and development-oriented. This includes schemes like free power for farmers, health insurance (Arogyasri), fee reimbursement for students, and infrastructure building. The party does not articulate a formal left-right stance; it is broadly centrist/populist with a focus on social welfare, akin to Congress’s ethos under YSR. It champions the interests of Andhra Pradesh, especially after the state’s bifurcation (Telangana creation in 2014) – e.g., demanding special category status for residual Andhra. On social issues, YSRCP is largely conservative (appealing to traditional voters and supportive of reservations for backward classes), and it positions itself as a stable alternative to the Telugu Desam Party’s style. The party is avowedly secular (in practice Jagan is a Christian but makes visible temple visits to connect with Hindu majority sentiments, showcasing inclusive approach). Overall, YSRCP’s “ideology” is YSR-ism – an image of caring governance, farmer-friendly and people-friendly administration.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: YSRCP had a dramatic rise. In the 2014 elections (shortly after formation and the state’s split), it emerged as the principal opposition in Andhra Pradesh, winning a significant number of assembly and Lok Sabha seats but narrowly missing out on power to the TDP. Jagan spent some time in jail (2012–13) on corruption charges (relating to quid-pro-quo investments during his father’s regime) but remained politically resilient. In the 2019 state elections, the YSRCP achieved a landslide victory, winning 151 out of 175 assembly seats. Jaganmohan Reddy became Chief Minister, fulfilling his decade-long quest. The YSRCP government since 2019 has rolled out an array of welfare programs branded “Navaratnalu” (nine gems) – covering virtually every segment: cash support to farmers (Rythu Bharosa), zero-interest loans, housing for poor, education fee reimbursement, etc. Politically, YSRCP decimated the once-dominant TDP in that election. Nationally, in 2019, YSRCP won 22 Lok Sabha seats, becoming a significant regional bloc in Parliament. It has given issue-based support to the BJP government at the center (though not formally part of NDA). In 2022, a key event was Jagan renaming the party to “Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS)” as part of a plan to expand beyond Andhra – \[Erratum: This refers to TRS’s renaming; YSRCP has not been renamed. YSRCP remains YSRCP.] YSRCP remains firmly entrenched in Andhra as of 2025, but it faces the upcoming 2024 general and state elections with both TDP and the Congress (and possibly Pawan Kalyan’s Jana Sena) as opponents. (Note: The mention of BRS renaming is actually about TRS of Telangana; YSRCP has not been renamed – it seems an accidental conflation.)

• Prominent Leaders: Y.S. Jaganmohan Reddy, the party founder and Chief Minister, is the undisputed leader – often called “Jagan Anna” (elder brother Jagan) by supporters. He has cultivated an image of a relentless fighter who endured hardships (like his Odarpu Yatra consoling families of those who died after YSR’s death, and imprisonment) and finally delivered on his promises. Y.S. Vijayamma (Jagan’s mother) was the interim figurehead in the early days (even serving as honorary president), but she has since stepped back (and even resigned from the party in 2022 when Jagan’s sister contested against YSRCP). Y.S. Sharmila, Jagan’s sister, is not in YSRCP – she now runs a separate party in Telangana. Within YSRCP, notable figures include Sajjala Ramakrishna Reddy(advisor and strategist), V. Vijayasai Reddy (Rajya Sabha MP and key aide), Peddireddy Ramachandra Reddy(senior minister), and Gudivada Amarnath (young minister). However, it’s very much a one-man centric party revolving around Jagan’s persona. The influence of the late YSR pervades – people still fondly remember Rajasekhara Reddy’s tenure, and Jagan constantly invokes his father’s name and schemes (even the party’s name and flag bear YSR’s face). This emotional connect, coupled with Jagan’s own political acumen, defines the YSRCP’s strength.

Telugu Desam Party (TDP)

• Formation: Founded on 29 March 1982 by Nandamuri Taraka Rama Rao (N.T. Rama Rao, or “NTR”). NTR was a hugely popular Telugu film superstar who entered politics with the fiery message of “Telugu self-respect.”He formed the TDP within nine months of an election, tapping into widespread disillusionment with the ruling Congress in (unified) Andhra Pradesh. The party’s creation was unprecedented – a regional party born from a movie icon’s appeal, pledging to stand up for Telugu people’s dignity and end what NTR called Congress’s Delhi-centric rule over Andhra.

• Ideology: Regional nationalism (Telugu pride) coupled with populism and pro-development policies. The TDP’s primary ethos is captured in NTR’s slogan of protecting the “political, economic, social and cultural foundations of Telugu-speaking people”. It is broadly centre-right economically – during N. Chandrababu Naidu’s tenure, TDP was known for its pro-reform, tech-friendly outlook (turning Hyderabad into an IT hub). But it is also strongly welfarist: NTR introduced radical pro-poor schemes like ₹2/kg rice for the poor, and Naidu continued many welfare programs (while also targeting growth). TDP is secular in principle but not averse to alliances with the BJP. It stands for federalism and often asserts state interests (e.g., demanding special status for Andhra after bifurcation). Socially, TDP built a coalition of castes – initially Kamma caste support (NTR’s community) and others – but presented itself as a broad Telugu platform beyond caste or creed. TDP’s symbol, the cycle, signifies progress reachable to the common man. The party blends populist rhetoric (NTR was famed for emotive oratory) with administrative focus (Naidu’s technocratic approach) in its ideology.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: The TDP created history by sweeping the 1983 Andhra Pradesh electionswithin 9 months of its formation – winning by a landslide (202 out of 294 seats) and making N.T. Rama Rao the Chief Minister. This ended Congress’s monopoly in the state. NTR was overthrown in an internal coup in 1984 (by a Congress-instigated defection) but returned triumphantly within a month after public protests. He again won elections in 1985. In 1989, TDP lost power to Congress, but remained a strong opposition. NTR returned to office in 1994 (on promise of total prohibition and other populist moves). However, in 1995 his son-in-law Chandrababu Naidu led a party coup, citing NTR’s second wife’s interference, and took over the party and Chief Ministership. NTR died shortly after, but Naidu then steered the TDP to a more modernizing path. TDP allied with the BJP and was a key component of the NDA government (Naidu wielded significant influence on national policy from 1999–2004). After 9 years as CM, Naidu lost the 2004 elections (partly due to rural distress and anti-incumbency). TDP remained out of power for 10 years until 2014, when Andhra Pradesh’s bifurcation occurred. In the residuary Andhra Pradesh (new state without Telangana), Naidu’s TDP won the 2014 state election, and he became the first CM of truncated AP (also partnering with BJP). His term saw the founding of a new capital (Amaravati) and efforts to attract investment, but also financial stress due to loss of Hyderabad. The 2019 election saw the TDP decisively defeated by Jaganmohan Reddy’s YSRCP, pushing TDP into opposition with a much-reduced seat count. At the national level, TDP walked out of the NDA in 2018 over the central government’s refusal to grant special status to AP, and later in 2019 Naidu tried to form an anti-BJP front, but post-2019 he has kept a lower profile. In recent developments (2023), TDP faced a blow with Naidu’s arrest in an alleged corruption case, sparking concerns about its prospects. As of 2025, TDP is striving to make a comeback by highlighting Jagan’s governance issues and possibly re-aligning with the BJP/Jana Sena to consolidate anti-incumbency.

• Prominent Leaders: N.T. Rama Rao (NTR) – the founder, revered as “Anna garu” (elder brother) by supporters. He gave Telugu people a prideful identity and is remembered for his welfare schemes and iconic personality (he often donned Hindu deity roles in films, enhancing his mythos). N. Chandrababu Naidu, NTR’s son-in-law, has been at the helm of TDP since 1995 – he’s known for administrative acumen and was instrumental in making Hyderabad an IT destination (Cyberabad). Naidu served as CM for 14 years in total and is currently the national president of TDP. Nara Lokesh, Naidu’s son, is being groomed as the next-generation leader; he is a general secretary in the party and an MLC, though he lost an MLA election in 2019. Other notable TDP figures over time include K.E. Krishnamurthy, Devender Goud, Paritala Ravindra (late strongman), and film-star-turned-politician Nandamuri Balakrishna (NTR’s son, MLA). The party has also drawn film actors like Jayasudha and Murali Mohan. The Nandamuri and Nara families dominate the top echelons, with a mix of cinema and political pedigree defining the TDP’s public image since its inception.

Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS, formerly Telangana Rashtra Samithi – TRS)

• Formation: Established as Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) on 27 April 2001 by K. Chandrashekar Rao (KCR). KCR, a former TDP leader, founded TRS to agitate for a separate Telangana state, feeling the Telangana region was neglected in unified Andhra Pradesh. The party started with the single-point agenda of achieving statehood for Telangana. After successfully leading the movement for over a decade, Telangana state was created in June 2014.

• Ideology: Initially single-issue (Telangana statehood), now broadly regional development and welfare. The TRS (now BRS) is devoted to the interests of Telangana. KCR espouses “Telangana pride” and has crafted an image of the party as the protector of Telangana’s water, land, and employment rights (for example, pushing for local job reservations). Economically, the party follows a populist welfare model combined with growth-oriented policies – KCR’s government implemented schemes like Rythu Bandhu (direct cash support to farmers), Dalit Bandhu (grant to Dalit families), 24×7 free power to farmers, and also invested in infrastructure (irrigation projects like Kaleshwaram). The party professes secularism; it has significant support among minority Muslims in Telangana and runs minority welfare schemes. With the transformation to Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) in October 2022, KCR signaled an ambition to have a national footprint and perhaps offer a developmental governance model beyond Telangana. Ideologically, he positioned BRS as an alternative to both BJP and Congress – advocating decentralized federalism and farmers’ rights nationwide. Summarily, BRS’s ideology is “Telangana first” and now expanding its brand of welfare-led governance to a pan-India stage.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: TRS’s major milestone was the formation of Telangana in 2014 – an achievement largely credited to KCR’s persistence and mass agitation (including hunger strikes in 2009 and 2010 that galvanized public support). In the first election of the new state (2014), TRS won and KCR became the first Chief Minister of Telangana. His government focused on stabilizing the state and launching flagship programs. In 2018, KCR advanced the assembly polls and TRS won an even larger mandate (88/119 seats). Meanwhile, KCR started nurturing national ambitions; he formed the Federal Front talks in 2018 (which didn’t materialize concretely), and finally in 2022, renamed TRS to Bharat Rashtra Samithi to contest beyond Telangana. Under the BRS banner, KCR’s party has forayed into neighboring states – a notable early success was winning a couple of rural local body seats in Maharashtra. Domestically, BRS remains dominant in Telangana, though it faces its toughest three-cornered election in late 2023 against a resurgent Congress and BJP. KCR has also been vocal nationally on issues like agricultural policy (he opposed the now-repealed farm laws) and federal funding. The BRS’s national emergence is still in nascent stages as of 2025.

• Prominent Leaders: K. Chandrashekar Rao (KCR), the founder and party president, is the face of BRS. Revered as the architect of Telangana state, he enjoys mass popularity for fulfilling that decades-long dream. He has served two terms as CM and is known for his oratory and political shrewdness. K.T. Rama Rao (KTR), KCR’s son, is a key minister (IT and Municipal Administration) and the heir-apparent; he is credited with attracting investments (Amazon, etc.) to Hyderabad and is popular among youth. T. Harish Rao (KCR’s nephew, Finance Minister) is another powerful leader known for grassroots connect. Kavitha Kalvakuntla, KCR’s daughter and former MP, is active in state politics and women’s issues (though her name surfaced in a 2023 liquor policy case, she remains influential). Beyond the family, leaders like Eatala Rajender (who has since defected to BJP) and Jagdish Reddy have had prominence. Given KCR’s centralized leadership, the party’s direction is very much driven by him. With BRS’s national expansion, KCR is attempting to elevate himself as a national figure – even indicating willingness to be a PM candidate if an opposition front emerges. Whether BRS can replicate its regional success elsewhere remains an open question, but within Telangana, KCR and his “Car” symbol (election symbol) have become synonymous with the state’s politics.

Janata Dal (Secular) – JD(S)

• Formation: Founded in July 1999 under the leadership of H.D. Deve Gowda, former Prime Minister. The JD(S) was born from a split in the Janata Dal when the party decided to ally with the BJP-led NDA in 1999 – Deve Gowda opposed this and broke away to form a “secular” Janata Dal faction. It is essentially the offshoot of the Janata parivar in Karnataka, carrying on the original Janata Dal’s identity there after the parent party fragmented.

• Ideology: Socialist and secular, with a focus on farmers and rural communities. JD(S) carries the legacy of Ram Manohar Lohia and Jayaprakash Narayan’s ideology like its JD(U) cousin, espousing social justice, federalism, and anti-communalism. In Karnataka, it positions itself as a champion of the Vokkaligas (the dominant farming community to which Deve Gowda belongs) and other backward classes, as well as a pro-farmer voice generally. It often highlights issues like loan waivers, irrigation projects, and equitable regional development (especially of Old Mysore region and Southern Karnataka where its base is strong). The party distances itself from the BJP’s Hindutva politics (hence the moniker “Secular” in its name) and also presents itself as a regional alternative to the national parties (Congress and BJP). Economically, JD(S) follows a welfare-state approach – Deve Gowda’s tenure as PM initiated schemes like rural housing – and advocates robust public investment in agriculture and education. In practice, JD(S)’s ideology is flexible when it comes to coalitions (having allied with both Congress and BJP at different times), but it maintains a rhetoric of keeping “communal forces” (BJP) at bay when convenient to its narrative.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: The JD(S) has been a significant third force in Karnataka state politics. H.D. Deve Gowda (often called the “Mannina Maga” or Son of the Soil) served as India’s Prime Minister (1996-97) in a United Front government, which gave the party national stature albeit briefly. In Karnataka, JD(S) first tasted power by a post-poll alliance: in 2006, Deve Gowda’s son H.D. Kumaraswamy struck a deal with the BJP – toppling the Congress-led government and becoming Chief Minister with BJP’s support (as part of a rotating CM agreement). Kumaraswamy led 20 months of JD(S)-BJP coalition rule, then refused to transfer power as agreed, causing that coalition to collapse in late 2007. This dented JD(S)’s credibility to some extent. In subsequent elections (2008, 2013), JD(S) remained a relatively distant third but a kingmaker when results were hung. In the 2018 Karnataka elections, the BJP was largest but short of a majority; JD(S) with 37 seats formed a surprise post-poll coalition with the Congress, and H.D. Kumaraswamy became Chief Minister again (with Congress support). That government was unstable and fell apart in 2019 due to defections (the BJP returned to power). In the 2023 state election, JD(S) performed poorly, winning only 19 seats, as the Congress won a majority. JD(S) then in September 2023 decided to ally with the BJP for the upcoming 2024 Lok Sabha polls – a controversial move given its secular branding (Deve Gowda’s grandson Prajwal even said the party is “compelled” to join NDA for survival). This potential alignment might shape JD(S)’s future, possibly merging into a larger alliance. Thus, JD(S) has oscillated in alliances – aligning with BJP in 2006 and likely again in 2024, and with Congress in 2018 – mostly driven by opportunity rather than ideological consistency.

• Prominent Leaders: H.D. Deve Gowda, party supremo and patriarch, now in his 90s, remains a respected figure – known for his humble farmer image and extensive experience (as former PM and former Karnataka CM). H.D. Kumaraswamy, his son, is the face of the party’s campaign and has twice been Chief Minister (2006–07, 2018–19). Kumaraswamy is a charismatic speaker and is seen as more pragmatic, albeit his reputation took a hit over reneging on the 2006 power transfer promise. Other members of the Gowda family are deeply involved: H.D. Revanna (Deve Gowda’s elder son) is a party strongman in Hassan district; Nikhil Kumaraswamy(Kumaraswamy’s son, an actor-turned-politician) is being groomed for leadership; Prajwal Revanna (Revanna’s son) is an MP. The family-centered nature of JD(S) has been criticized, but it also provides the organizational coherence. Outside the family, a noteworthy leader was S.R. Bommai (former Janata Dal CM in 1980s, father of recent BJP CM Basavaraj Bommai). In present times, JD(S) lacks influential figures beyond the Gowda clan – which is both its strength (secure Vokkaliga vote bank) and weakness (limited appeal beyond certain communities). The party’s future likely hinges on how successfully it navigates alliances and whether the next generation (Nikhil, Prajwal) can expand its base beyond the Old Mysore region.

Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD)

• Formation: Founded in December 1920 in Punjab, making it one of India’s oldest surviving regional parties. The Akali Dal began as the political wing of the Sikh Gurdwara Reform Movement – it was originally formed to coordinate the Akali agitation for control of Sikh gurudwaras from corrupt priests under the British Raj. The term “Shiromani Akali Dal” means “Supreme Army of the Akalis,” with “Akali” referring to Sikh warriors of faith. Over a century, the SAD evolved from a religious reform movement into a full-fledged political party representing Sikh and Punjabi interests.

• Ideology: Punjabi Sub-nationalism and Sikh religious interests combined with a centre-right, pro-farmer approach. The SAD’s primary objective has been to promote the rights and welfare of the Sikh community and Punjab’s autonomy. Historically, it has championed federalism – seeking more state power (Anandpur Sahib Resolution, 1973, demanded greater autonomy for Punjab). Economically, Akalis are pro-agriculture (being rooted in the Sikh Jat farmer base) and have tended to be fiscally conservative. They often ally with BJP, reflecting a tilt towards the right on national issues (anti-Congressism was a uniting factor). SAD strongly advocates religious freedom and the protection of Sikh heritage: it controls the SGPC (Sikh religious body) which manages gurudwaras. In ideology, SAD mixes religion and politics (in line with Sikh concept of Miri-Piri). It has been a voice for minority rights – for instance, condemning anti-Sikh violence – and led the Punjab autonomy movement (though it officially rejected secessionist Khalistan). In summary, SAD stands for Sikh-centric Punjabi nationalism, communal harmony in Punjab, and a pro-farmer, pro-small trader economic stance. In recent times, it also espoused regional issues like opposing central farm laws, citing Sikh farmer interests.

• Key Historical & Recent Events: The Akali Dal was at the forefront of the Punjabi Suba movement, achieving the reorganization of Punjab on linguistic (Punjabi-speaking) lines in 1966. It formed Punjab’s first non-Congress government in 1967 (albeit short-lived) and again in 1969, 1977, 1985, 1997, 2007, and 2012. Key moments include the Punjabi agitation in the early 1980s: SAD led peaceful protests for Sikh rights and greater autonomy (which unfortunately coincided with the rise of extremism). The 1984 Operation Blue Star and subsequent anti-Sikh riots left the Akalis politically marginalized for a time (SAD had opposed militancy but also objected to the Army action at Golden Temple; many Akali leaders were imprisoned during the 1984 crisis). In 1985, after Rajiv-Longowal Accord, Akalis under Surjit Singh Barnala formed the government. Later, under Parkash Singh Badal, SAD forged a stable alliance with BJP (Panthic-Mundane combination) and ruled Punjab multiple terms: 1997–2002, 2007–2017. During those years, the SAD-BJP government focused on infrastructural improvements (roads, power) and subsidies (free electricity to farmers). However, after 10-year rule, SAD faced strong anti-incumbency, losing badly in 2017 to Congress amid anger over sacrilege incidents and drug abuse issues. The party’s worst-ever performance came in 2022: it won only 3 seats as the Aam Aadmi Party swept Punjab. Notably, in 2020 the SAD broke its decades-long alliance with the BJP in protest against the central government’s farm laws (given massive Sikh farmer protests) – a historic move given SAD was a founding member of the NDA. The once-dominant Akali Dal is now in a phase of introspection and rebuilding, having also suffered internal splits (a rebel faction led by Sukhdev Dhindsa formed SAD (Sanyukt)). As of 2025, SAD remains in opposition in Punjab, trying to reassert itself as the voice of Punjabis (especially Sikhs) amid competition from AAP and Congress.

• Prominent Leaders: Master Tara Singh and Baldev Singh were early stalwarts during the independence and reorganization era. Parkash Singh Badal (1927–2023) was the towering Akali figure of the past half-century – five-time Chief Minister and patron of SAD. He forged the SAD-BJP alliance and was known for his grassroots connect and governance nous. His son Sukhbir Singh Badal now leads the party; Sukhbir, a former Deputy CM, modernized the party machinery but faces criticism for alleged high-handedness and the sacrilege episode. Gurcharan Singh Tohra (longtime SGPC head) and Jagdev Singh Talwandi were influential Akalis in the religious domain. Harsimrat Kaur Badal (Sukhbir’s wife) was a Union Minister in NDA governments and is a prominent woman leader. Other notable leaders include HS Phoolka (who later left politics) and Bikram Singh Majithia (Badal’s brother-in-law, a key SAD organizer). The SAD has essentially been family-led in recent times (Badal family), which has drawn some resentment. With Parkash Badal’s passing, the onus is on Sukhbir and next-generation leaders to revitalize the party. SAD still commands loyalty among a section of Sikh farmers and the urban trading class, but reviving its fortunes will depend on reconnecting with the panthic ethos and addressing public grievances.

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